PVT OR NO PVT, TO TRUST ECZ OR NOT TO

By GERSHOM NDHLOVU
ACCORDING to Wikipedia, the free internet encyclopaedia, Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) is an election observation methodology that is employed for independent verification (or challenge) of election results. It involves observation of the voting and counting of ballots at the polling stations, collection of official polling station results and independent tabulation of these results, parallel to election authorities. If the PVT is performed on statistical sample of the polling stations, it is called Quick Count.
Organizers from the Philippine National Citizen Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), says Wikipedia, are widely recognized as the pioneers of the quick count, or parallel vote tabulation (PVT), in emerging democracies. During a 1986 election for President, NAMFREL attempted to mirror the official count of all 90,000 polling stations. They performed a remarkable task in collecting data from the majority of polling stations, and they were instrumental in helping uncover the massive vote counting fraud attempted by Marcos supporters.
The will of the people of a country is the basis for the authority of government, and that will must be determined through genuine periodic elections, which guarantee the right and opportunity to vote freely and to be elected fairly through universal and equal suffrage by secret balloting or equivalent free voting procedures, the results of which are accurately counted, announced and respected. A significant number of rights and freedoms, processes, laws and institutions are therefore involved in achieving genuine democratic elections. This according to the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation and Code of Conduct for International Election Observers, a document endorsed by, among others, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (Read full report here)
But, unfortunately, PVT has sent the Zambian ruling MMD government and its supporters into overdrive threatening Civic Organisations that want to conduct it in this year’s upcoming elections, and its advocates with arrest. The government and those against PVT are foretelling fire and brimstone in the event that PVT is allowed to be carried out. The anti-PVT lobby is giving examples of countries where PVT has allegedly brought about problems, among them, Ivory Coast where both, the sitting president Laurent Gbagbo, and opposition leader Alassane Ouattara have claimed victory and declared themselves president.
I, however, would say that PVT which was conducted by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network in Zimbabwe in 2008 prevented the country’s Elections body from manipulating the results in favour of President Robert Mugabe just in the first round. But since the Elections body was caught out, it took it six weeks to announce the results which saw the election going into a second round run-off from which opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirayi pulled out because of violence against his supporters that was perpetuated by ZANU PF supporters.
As for Ivory Coast, the Constitutional Court, chaired by Gbagbo’s crony, overturned the results announced by the Electoral Commission.
Zambia’s Minister of Information and Broadcasting Services Ronnie Shikapwasha who is also Chief Government Spokesman and National Assembly Speaker Amusaa Mwanamwambwa have gone further to say that it is only the Electoral Commission of Zambia that is mandated to announce election results. That, for me, is definitely without doubt but what is at issue is the trust, or worse still, the lack of it that the ECZ attracts.
Much as the argument that there are legal mechanisms in place to challenge elections is concerned, the history of Zambia has been such that once a president has been sworn in, no petition by opposition parties has been ruled against the incumbent president even in the face of glaring evidence of electoral malpractice. To make matters worse, petitions have been known to drag on for years to an extent that by the time they are concluded, it is only a year before the next election.
Election rigging is not so much about stuffing ballots, but what is done before and after the elections. First and foremost, the ruling government which controls some of the media, does not allow such media to give coverage to opposition parties for them to sell their manifestoes and reach out to potential supporters. In the event that the ECZ were to mis-count and erroneously, or most likely deliberately, announced a presidential candidate as a winner, verifying presidential ballots is not easy as PF’s Michael Sata discovered at the last elections when he lost to President Rupiah Banda.
In all this, we are not saying that the MMD should lose elections. On the contrary, we want the MMD to win and win convincingly and the opposition to lose and lose conclusively without crying “rigged”! This is the reason why both the ECZ and the government as the overall overseer of the ECZ, should work on trust that people should repose in the commission. The raving and ranting by government officials and pro-government NGOs is just arousing suspicion as to what the motive of the ruling party is.

MIKE MULONGOTI DISMISSAL: CURTAINS UP FOR 2011 POLLS

By Gershom Ndhlovu

A few weeks ago, on social network site Facebook, I sent the following message to MMD spokesperson Dora Siliya:
“The MMD has just finished holding a series of provincial conferences at which provincial executive committee members notably chairpersons who are also members of the national executive committee, have been elected.
“In most cases, competition for the position of chairperson was discouraged and most of the rivals stood down at the last minute after being spoken to by the acting MMD president, Rupiah Banda who is also head of state. The move by President to talk out some candidates brings to question the “democratic” credentials of the party which has democracy in its name.”
Siliya sent me the following response: “What is good about MMD is that we are able to have internal democracy through negotiations, compromise, elections and dialogue. At the end, the voice of the majority prevails. Even when one individual tries to believe it's about them the party works out to show them that it is about the ideals of MMD based on a development agenda. In Southern, Northern, Copperbelt and Central there were more than one candidate.”
It is quite shocking that barely a few weeks later, MMD chairman for elections Mike Mulongoti should be dismissed as minister of works and supply and has his nomination as MP withdrawn for trying to stand up for democracy in the MMD. However, Mulongoti may not receive a lot of sympathy because he himself was quite abrasive to people like former defence minister George Mpombo who had been airing their views about democracy within the party.
Mulongoti should have defended the same principles he is defending now that he is gunning for the vacant position of party vice presidency, the post for which President Banda is supporting his Republican Vice President George Kunda. A lot of candidates at provincial congresses were pressurised to stand down and allow those that President Banda desired to work with. It is these people that Mulongoti should have spoken for before he ended up tying himself in knots, setting him at cross purposes with President Banda whom he says he, together with the late Benny Tetamashimba, brought into the party
Whatever the case, Mulongoti raises valid questions about democracy, or more appropriately the lack of it, in the MMD. If President Banda wants to choose the people he wants to work with in the MMD, then there is no point in holding provincial congresses and the national convention at which members are supposed to elect their representatives in the party.
Looking at the MMD now, it is a very different institution from the party that held its first convention at the beginning of 1991 which whose elections were truly and genuinely democratic. Those that have followed subsequently have degenerated into a handpicking circus.
In 2001, up to 22 senior MMD members were barred from attending the convention and challenging for the positions of their choice including that of president, which incidentally then President Frederick Chiluba was still interested in despite serving the constitutionally allowed two terms.
The 2005 convention did not equally go well as the then President, Levy Mwanawasa, froze the elections for the position of vice president apparently because he did not like some of the people that were likely to win the poll. In his words, he alleged that some candidates wanted to buy the position through bribery. The position has been vacant since then and the irony of it is that it is the same position that has burnt Mulongoti’s fingers.
May be the drama unfolding now just goes to show that the run up to the 2011 elections and what goes with campaigning is upon the nation and more drama is in store and as I say “watch this (political) space.”

THERE IS NO EXCUSE FOR VIOLENCE, SAYS MMD’S DORA SILIYA

By GERSHOM NDHLOVU

In one day on January 4 2011, Dora Siliya, the MMD national spokesperson and minister of education has broached the issue of political violence in Zambia three times on her Facebook page. It is obvious that for her to bring up the issue for discussion, it is something that is of concern at the highest level of not only the ruling party but government as well.
In her first posting of the day, Siliya wrote: “As a Zambian I call upon all young people to refuse politics that glorify violence. It's unfortunate that some people are bent on making violence part of Zambian politics and are preaching doom as we head toward election. Real doom is not just a word but violence that can destroy our country. Let our voices be heard to be against violence. God bless.”
In the second posting of the day, Siliya, in response to a contributor on her thread, wrote: “… I could not agree with you more. Unless at family, household level, we condemn violence, vulgar language, hatred, and simply bad manners, we should not expect good values to permeate our society. Let's all look at ourselves and our homes and end violence in all forms. Let your voice be heard in this fight against violence.”
The recent most telling effect of political violence is the recent nullification of the Mufumbwe by-election which had been won by United Party for National Development (UPND)’s Elliot Kamondo by the High Court. The nullification followed the successful petitioning of the elections by losing MMD candidate Mulondwe Muzungu on the basis of violence that characterised the run up to the by-election.
Perhaps, the most ominous harbinger to the violence that has become entrenched in the country’s body politic is that which characterised the Chawama by-election in 2001 when then newly formed Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) fielded Geoffrey Samukonga who was clearly the favourite to win the by-election after the then Member of Parliament Christon Tembo, now late, resigned from the MMD.
His resignation from the MMD had been precipitated by violence at the party’s national convention at which he and 21 other senior members had been barred to attend it for opposing the then Republican and MMD President Frederick Chiluba who had wanted to go for an unconstitutional third term. It was not surprising that there was violence in Chawama shortly after that convention.
Before the Chawama violence, a taste of what violence was to come was unleashed by MMD supporters at Kulima Tower Bus Station who waylaid people who had attended a rally at which Republican Vice President Gen Tembo, MMD vice president Gen Miyanda and other senior MMD members had joined the opposition to denounce Chiluba’s third term attempt.
The Chawama violence is, rightly or wrongly, blamed on Michael Sata who was then MMD national secretary. He himself did not last long in the ruling party after a National Executive Committee (NEC) outsider, Levy Mwanawasa was anointed as Chiluba’s heir. Sata had felt he was the rightful heir having backed Chiluba’s third term attempt and fended off people like Miyanda and Tembo.
Worryingly, in recent times MMD cadres have been issuing public threats to harm people speaking against President Rupiah Banda’s leadership. Those that have borne the brunt of the MMD cadres’ ire have included FDD president Edith Nawakwi who was publicly threatened with rape if she continued verbally attacking Banda, Mongu Catholic Diocese Bishop Paul Duffy for saying that people in Western Province were ready to kick out the MMD, and Father Frank Bwalya, a former Catholic radio station manager, who launched a “Red Card” campaign to kick Banda and his MMD out of power.
Some MMD cadres even publicly claimed that they had a militia with which they would go after Banda’s critics. However, following a public outcry against these proclamations of threats of violence, the MMD suspended two of the most vocal members, Chiko Chibale, a Kitwe district MMD official and Alex Mubanga, a Ndola District official.
Most telling of the creeping violence within the MMD was that which broke out early in December in which supporters of incumbent Lusaka Province chairman William Banda clashed with supporters of his opponent Nolobe Kuliye which forced the postponement of the provincial council at which a new executive was to be elected.
In responses to Siliya’s Facebook posting, William Banda has not been spared the blame of perpetuating political violence within the MMD and against the opposition, notably that which broke out during the Chilanga by-election nominations at Chilanga Basic School late last year in which UPND president, Hakainde Hichilema was caught up.
However, Siliya had this to say in one of the day’s Facebook posts: “And I see that many people want to reduce violence to simply William Banda or Sata's violence in Chawama and Kanyama where people where maimed with panga(s) or even UPND in Mufumbwe. No, this is a fight against violence by all decent Zambians. You have no excuse to excuse any violence. Let your voice be heard.”
The question I ask is, is Siliya taking leadership in the fight against violence and rightly so? Can she take the fight off the social media network into the public domain which the citizens are asking of the MMD?

IS DEMOCRACY IN THE MMD REGENERATING WITH MULONGOTI AND CHITI’S VOICES?

By Gershom Ndhlovu

It is now very difficult to follow pronouncements coming from the MMD regarding elections to the National Executive Committee at the forthcoming convention. Some NEC members, provincial executive members of various regions and low-level district and constituency officials have at various times stated “their” positions on which positions are to be contested, which ones are preserved for which candidates and, indeed, those that would be contested by a sole candidate.
Notably, the positions of president and vice president have generated a lot of interest. A number of MMD members at all levels have stated, obviously against the party’s constitution, that President Rupiah Banda who is acting party president would not be challenged at the convention while some cadres have indicated their support for Republican Vice President George Kunda for the position of party vice president.
So far, only Nason Msoni has indicated that he would challenge Rupiah Banda but whether his challenge would have an impact or not, is another matter. It is, however, the position of vice president that has attracted a number of candidates including the last elected MMD vice president Enoch Kavindele who has openly declared his interest.
Others who have been mentioned include Mike Mulongoti who is the current chairman for elections and Captain Austin Chewe who contested the same position at the last convention but it was frozen following allegations of serious vote buying among candidates. The MMD has never had a vice president since.
But what has prompted Mulongoti to come out with the statement that all ruling party positions will be open for contest at the convention? First and foremost, this statement should have been made much earlier when junior officials started talking about the Banda’s sole candidacy because these statements sent wrong signals to political observers and MMD sympathisers. Secondly, it appears that Mulongoti was forced to make the statement--not that it is unwelcome--when the George Kunda lobby started gaining ground.
Another very sober statement was that of MMD legal affairs committee chairman, Bwalya Chiti, who said all MMD positions including the presidency have always been contested. Again, Chiti should have clarified just after the low level cadres started calling for Rupiah’s sole candidacy.
“If you look at every election of the MMD, there has always been contestation of all the positions, the presidency included. That is the MMD, okay! So why should you fear? I think people who fear are fearing their own shadows, or it is a creation by candidates who may want to ensure that some people do not participate by creating that fear,” Chiti said.
This is exactly what happened prior to the 2001 convention when all the provincial councils, except Lusaka led then by Dr Boniface Kawimbe, supported the then Republican and MMD president Frederick Chiluba to not only go for the third term as Republican president but for the same as party president. Unfortunately, the party constitution was even amended to allow for it.
It was the Republican constitution that not only proved difficult, but it also undid all the man had stood for in terms of democracy and his other achievements. The person who succeeded him for both positions, Levy Mwanawasa, now late, even removed his presidential immunity and for the next seven who was to frequent courts of law like a common citizen on allegations of plunder of national resources.
I wonder why some people want to liken the MMD to other parties that have not had conventions or have been led by single leaders since their inception. The MMD to a generation that fought Kaunda’s one party rule is as important as UNIP is to those who fought against the colonialists. It would be good if it held aloft the standards and ideals that its founders and interim leaders such as Akashambatwa Mbikusita-Lewanika, Mbita Chitala, Arthur Wina, Humphrey Mulemba and even Chiluba set out with.
If the MMD was to easily morph into what UNIP had been before it, where no one was allowed to challenge President Kaunda, Zambians could have as well allowed UNIP and Kaunda to continue in power. But the irony here is that President Rupiah Banda comes from the UNIP background, a party whose membership he has never officially denounced. With him, is another UNIP stalwart William Banda who only joined the ruling MMD less than six years ago.
Perhaps with more and more sober and wiser voices of people who know the MMD constitution start rising up in the party, people who have been put off by undemocratic tendencies supported even by some of the most educated people within, will start cheering it once again.

DIALOGUE, THE TSWANA WAY

By Gershom Ndhlovu

 

Admittedly, I understand very little of politics in neighbouring Botswana, but there is one feature in that country’s body politic that I and, I am sure many others, admire there which is the concept of the kgotla where citizens in cities, towns, villages or kwamasimu and cattle posts meet to thrash out contentious issues among them.

In fact, Wikipedia, the free internet encyclopaedia describes a kgotla as a public meeting, community council or traditional law court of a Botswana village.

“It is usually headed by the village chief or headman, and community decisions are always arrived at by consensus. Anyone at all is allowed to speak, and no one may interrupt while someone is "having their say". In fact there is a Setswana saying that the highest form of war is dialogue (ntwa kgolo ke ya molomo). Because of this tradition, Botswana claims to be one of the world's oldest democracies.

“The custom of allowing everyone their full say is carried over into meetings of all kinds, from discussing a bill to a staff briefing, and can mean meetings last many hours.

Kgotla can also refer to the place where such meetings are held. This can range from a few chairs under a shade canopy to a permanent ground with covered seating,” states Wikipedia.

One good thing about these kgotlas is that even sitting presidents—Botswana has had four from Seretse Khama, to Ketumile Masire, to Festus Mogae to Seretse Khama’s son, Seretse Khama Ian Khama—appear before them around Botswana when and were their presence is required. A Motswana who has anything to say against the Tautona, the chief lion, or the head of state will say it without fear or favour.

This is the beauty of the Botswana political system which has been in existence since time immemorial but more so from 1966 when the country was granted political independence by Britain and it has endured as the foremost democracy in Africa over four decades when other countries experimented with one-party and other less desirable political systems.

Whether by coincidence or otherwise, Botswana has one of the strongest economies on the African continent which perhaps can be attributed to the fact that all Batswana are allowed their say through kgotla meetings without the fear of being victimized by anyone even if they are having a go at the president appearing before sechaba or residents of a city, town, village or cattle post.

Contrast this to countries, Zambia being one of them, where criticizing the head of state is a mortal sin that in some cases can lead someone to, if not losing their life, at least losing their livelihood because they will not be able to do business with government and other players as they are treated as political lepers.

This has been the case from the days of President Kaunda when in the late 1960s up to the early 1990s, all dissent was brutally suppressed as the president’s voice was supreme in all matters of the government and economics. Under President Chiluba, dissenters were treated a bit more subtly than President Kaunda’s regime did, but a few political scalps were claimed, notably those of the 22 MMD members who opposed the second president’s ill-conceived third term attempt.

Incidentally, it was no much different with the late President Levy Mwanawasa who himself differed with a lot of MMD members as well as those from the opposition. It was only later in his presidency that he reconciled with one of his bitter political enemies, Patriotic Front president Michael Sata only because the former facilitated his evacuation to South Africa after he fell ill with a life-threatening condition.

President Rupiah Banda has not fared very well in the last five months or so of both his republican as well as MMD presidency as he seems to have differed with quite a number of people and the highlight of his political differences being the dismissal of two deputy ministers Lameck Chibombamilimo and Jonas Shakafuswa who initially campaigned for the presidential candidature of former Finance Minister Ng’andu Magande after the demise of President Mwanawasa.

The national ‘indaba’ called by the Banda administration which was going to serve as a form of national kgotla appears to have been discredited right from the beginning as delegates were instructed not to discuss “politics” while major opposition parties of the United Party for National Development, PF and General Miyanda’s Heritage Party have all boycotted it along with the Catholic Church and other groups such as the Transparency International Zambia.

While Presidents Chiluba and Mwanawasa were relatively tolerant of divergent views as the MMD was founded on the principle of “transparency and tolerance” it appears that Zambia is regressing into the one-party political mode where the national leader is above criticism. President Banda definitely needs to go back to the MMD basics where he is open to public and private scrutiny if democracy has to be entrenched in the country.

…..

Zambia bailing out Zimbabwe economically? Someone must be having a laugh. I thought we learnt our lesson as a country in the 1960s, 70s and 80s when we funded the liberation struggles of other countries particularly Zimbabwe and South Africa.

What have Zambians benefited from such benevolence if not outright scorn and arrogance from Zimbabweans and South Africans and other countries we helped gain independence? Who does not know how Zimbabweans used to laugh at us when we crossed over at Chirundu, Kariba or Victoria Falls to drink a bottle or two of coca-cola or even a bottle of castle when there were shortages of clear beer in our country?

It would be better if the Zambian government directed the money it wants to channel to Zimbabwe under the aegis of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), itself a questionable body which tolerates one means of power usurpation such as happened in Zimbabwe where a military junta hijacked an election to others such as the change of government by means of people power in Madagascar, to internal needs such as road repairs or buying drugs for our hospitals.

IS IT GIVEN LUBINDA ALONE?

By Gershom Ndhlovu

 

In last week’s column, I wrote that Kabwata MP Given Lubinda and other MPs were not solely responsible for the development of their constituencies, but the local authorities under which those areas fell as well as the central government. This was after Kabwata residents demonstrated against the MP and a Non-Governmental Organisation, Forum for Leadership called for Lubinda and other MPs perceived not to be “delivering” to step aside.

I wrote: “I wonder if (Edwin) Lifwekelo implies that MPs should take over the overall development of their constituencies particularly with the K400 million Constituency Development Funds (CDFs) while local authorities and government go to sleep. MPs and councillors can only serve as a conveyor belt for development ideas while local authorities do the rest.”

I received the following response from Mr Justine Mwiinga, a resident of Kamwala South:

“Dear Gershom, whilst I totally agree with you on Magande’s letter to Minister of Transport & Communication, please note that we the residents of Kamwala South do not appreciate your comments on Lubinda. Lubinda and yourselves must not underestimate that demonstration though it may be viewed politically as an MMD affair.

If what Lubinda childishly says those are MMD cadres let him know some of us are not cadres in any way but share the same concerns and are appalled to see the road networks for Kamwala South, Kasama road and Chalala in a deplorable state. Whether you try to justify or not the role of an area MP must be to influence or aid development in his constituency by urging, demanding and criticizing so that together with local residents can see the need especially where wants and needs are many everywhere, as residents we are not privileged to have platform and legislative power to influence government to bring development to the area.

He is also supposed to creatively and proactively liaise with possible local and foreign investors that can help bring development through construction of roads, clinics and other business activities.  It is his role also to work with residents through mobilization of residents to contribute in a formal way and create confidence in community generated and driven projects not just using CDF to tackle floods reactively. All this indirectly and directly an MP should engage government and community to raise the level of life.

Take note that our MP has been speaking in the press print and radio on a number of issues that are general by condemning the president, MMD and other opposition on behalf of his party but what has he done for us to measure his performance since 2001. Rarely has he been pressuring government regarding our problem, which I thought should have been his pre-occupation than trading [sic] more on party lines.

I know his answer will be I have been doing this and we do not need to hear him say it, I feel this is disrespectful to voters. We feel our representation has been mutilated and he needs to address this or else if his thinking is that only government should think on its own without seriously intervening as area MP then he is a mistake to us.

Gershom, try and visit Kamwala South, you will see that the roads are now impassable, then you will appreciate his role, government and our role together to solve this problem. Advise him properly, some people can take mileage in such situation but he should not politic instead we need solutions in Kamwala South than denying that it is not my role to bring development. It is his role to influence development activities as our representative. We are fed up with such lip service.”

If, according to Kabwata residents in general, Lubinda has failed them, I shudder to think what success the other 149 elected MPs have scored in their constituencies with the eight nominated members of parliament together with the president in terms of development.

I have been fortunate enough to visit all the nine provinces of Zambia and most of its 72 districts. I have been to the most urbanized province, the Copperbelt to the least developed North-Western Province (before the new investments that are transforming the area, if at all).

I have seen the least developed areas of the Copperbelt and I have seen metropolitan Solwezi, if we may call it that. I wonder what Lubinda has not done in Kabwata what Benny Tetamashimba has done in Solwezi Central as MP not to attract the ire of the constituents.

As Kabwata residents call for Lubinda’s blood, it is just imperative that Zambians in general start questioning their representatives, from Lubinda through to President Banda, on what they have done for them and, most importantly, what they have not.

If Kabwata residents who literary have access to a lot of amenities can complain against their MP, what about Kaoma and Lukulu residents who have to go through hell on the Dark Forest road to get to Watopa Pontoon on the border between Western and North-western provinces? Would the MPs between Chipata and Lundazi survive for the bad road that people have to endure between the two districts taking more than six hours to navigate the 176 km road?

Who is answerable for the whole lot of boys and girls who fail to go beyond Grade Nine for lack of school places all over the country? Who is equally answerable for those that cannot proceed to tertiary level education when they complete their Grade 12? Woe betide those that cannot find jobs after attaining their degrees, diplomas and post-secondary school certificates as there is no single MP they can point their fingers at for their plight.

Zambians need to discard the culture of being hired at election time and other political junctures for the price of partisan-branded T-shirts, chitenge materials, caps and packets of shake-shake and a few thousands of Kwacha for a few days at the expense of the next five years.

I sympathise with Mr Mwiinga for his genuine concerns, but a number of the people that took part in the demonstration against Lubinda probably just wanted to settle political scores against the opposition MP for his outspokenness against the ruling MMD.

THE POISONED CHALICE

By Gershom Ndhlovu

 

Clearly, Bwacha Member of Parliament and former Minister of Lands, the Reverend Gladys Nyirongo, has drunk from the poisoned chalice that has been associated with the higher echelons of power in Zambia in the last 18 years of the MMD at the apex of governance.

Rev. Nyirongo’s case is even more interesting in that she started off as one of the four opposition members of parliament on the Heritage Party ticket in 2002 but quickly jumped onto the MMD gravy train and as they say in the local street language, “anachita ova” or overdid things when she was sent to the ministry of lands by dishing out land to kith and kin on transfer from the seemingly innocuous ministries of youth and sport and community development.

Zambians are at a juncture where people who have served in public office at one time or another, ranging from a former president, to defence and intelligence chiefs, ministers and senior servants are either serving jail sentences, or are appearing in court for corruption-related offences.

Without passing judgment on those whose cases are still in court and are yet to be concluded, this state of affairs in itself says a lot about our country, endowed with rich natural resources such as emeralds, copper, gold, cobalt, and equally rich agricultural land for both arable and pastoral farming and great tourism potential, and yet the majority of the citizens live in abject poverty.

There are already stories of people in power and those linked to them who are allegedly involved in shady deals such as the importation of genetically modified organisms (GMO) maize, the partial privatisation of Zamtel, procurement of radar equipment for the National Airports Corporation the importation of petroleum products and other dodgy businesses all bordering on abuse of public resources.

Surely, this coming at the heels of cases of senior government officials of a previous administration—and others still serving—smacks of unimaginable impunity and brings to the fore the old saying about power corrupting and absolute power corrupting absolutely.

A precedent has been set where leaders from one administration have been prosecuted by new leaders even from the same party upon change of guard. I can only imagine what would happen if there was a whole change of parties at the helm and how many people would be appearing in court.

My fear is that the Rev. Nyirongo case and the few others who have held high positions and have been caught is just a very small tip of a very big iceberg on which the development of Zambia has been derailed with everyone trying to milk it for as long as it lasts and lasting it has.

It is doubtful how effective the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) and its twin sister, the Drug Enforcement Commission (DEC) have been in dealing with cases of corruption and related vices, most of the time in the face of glaring but disturbing reports from the Auditor General’s Office of how billions of kwacha are salted away year in and year out. What evidence do they require when it is all there and backed by Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee which in my view has done quite well under the chairmanship of independent Member of Parliament Charles Milupi?

We all know the limitations of the Task Force on corruption which was specifically formed to deal with plunder of national resources under the Chiluba regime and I would grudgingly say it has scored some successes which the two established anti-vice organisations have failed to score.

By 2011, the MMD will have been in power for 20 years, but the damage that has been done to the national resources is far more than the damage under UNIP’s 27 years in power. Levels of poverty and hopelessness in the nation are higher than they ever were at the height of UNIP in power.

Under UNIP, an occasional parastatal chief would be arrested for corruption and related offences, but it was unheard of for ministers and permanent secretaries, let alone Zambia Airforce and Zambia National Service commanders, to be sent to jail. May be it is because there was strict adherence to the General Orders and Financial Regulations, two documents which new civil servants had to acquaint themselves with but was done away with under the know-it-all Chiluba administration.

Is it any coincidence then that the former head of state, Frederick Chiluba himself is regularly in court to answer criminal charges? President Rupiah Banda has chance to learn from those who have come before him.

….

It is my sincere hope that I have misunderstood—yes, misunderstood—Vice President George Kunda on the introduction of food vouchers meant for peri-urban areas being piloted in some Lusaka townships.

One would only hope that this food voucher scheme being implemented in partnership with the World Food Programme (WFP) in response to increased food insecurity, would be significantly different to the mealie meal coupons introduced by the UNIP government circa 1988.

We all remember how the vulnerable who were supposed to be beneficiaries of the cheap and in some cases, free mealie meal, depending on the coupons a family was entitled to, were denied access to the commodity which had fallen to the control of corrupt party and government functionaries. Mealie meal ended up going to the highest bidder and most of it found its way to the black market where it in turn fetched extortionate prices.

This can also be likened to bursaries at universities and colleges from which students from poor families have been marginalized while those from families that can afford the tuition fees many times over are the ones who have been benefiting because their fathers, mothers, uncles and other connections are in control.

For exercises like these to meet their objectives of helping the vulnerable, there is need to involve established churches such as the Catholic, UCZ, RCZ, the SDA and Salvation Army which have a truly grassroots presence and know who deserves help and who doesn’t and are not led by fly-by-night pastors who are hell-bent on enriching themselves.